Friday, 27 December 2019

जान पेहचान हो

परवा असेच YouTube surf करतांना एक विडीओ दिसला. मी title वगैरे बघितले नाही. Rock band वाटला म्हणून click केले. Band western युरोपियन होता. Prelude अप्रतिम होते म्हणून ऐकल बसलो. काही सेकंदाच मुख्य गायक हे हिंदी गाणं गायला लागला. मला मजा वाटली. त्या band ने रीतसर मोहम्मद रफी आणि शंकर जयकिशनला credit दिले होते. हे ते गाणे 

त्यावेळी आपले हिंदी संगीतकार पाश्चात्य संगीतावर 'inspire' होऊन संगीत द्यायचे. मला तसा प्रकार वाटला. मग ते original  रफींचे गाणं ऐकले. हे ते गाणे


हे 1965 च्या मेहमूदच्या गुमनाम चित्रपटातील गाण. मी चित्रपट बघितला होता पण हे गाणे लक्षात नाही राहिले. गाण्याची choreography Herman Benjamin ह्या प्रसिद्ध choreographer ने केली आहे. तो स्वतः ह्या गाण्यात गाण म्हणताना दाखवले आहे.
नंतर ह्या विडीओ खाली ह्या गाण्याच्या बऱ्याच video link दिसल्या त्या पण पाश्चात्य! विविध कलाकारांनी कल्पकतेने हे गाणं आपापल्या पद्धतीने गायले आहे. सर्व प्रकार तुम्हाला आवडतील. 





ही सर्व गाणी 2000 नंतरची. मला गंमत वाटली की 40 वर्षांनंतर हे गाणे युरोपात प्रसिद्ध व्हायचे काय कारण. तर विकीबाबांने सांगितले की हे गाणे 2001 मधील हाॅलीवुडच्या Ghost World ह्या चित्रपटाचे title ह्या गाण्यावर आहे.

हे इथेच थाबले नाही. पुढे Heineken Beer company ने हे गाणे जाहिरातीत वापरले.

https://youtu.be/57zo8O5pDXc

म्हणजे हे भारतीय लोकांनी केलेले अस्सल rock and roll गाणं आहे. धन्य ते महान शंकर जयकिशन जोडी, मोहम्मद रफी आणि Hermann Benjamin. ही गाणी ऐका आणि आपला रविवार आनंदमय घालवा.

सतीश गुंडावार
24 नोव्हेंबर 2019

Bala


मुकद्दर का सिकंदर ह्या चित्रपटात 'मेरे अंगने तुम्हारा क्या काम है?' गाणे सर्वांनी ऐकले आहे. ह्यात व्यक्तीच्या बहुतेक व्यंगावर विनोद आहे. हे गाणे समाजाच्या मानसिकतेवर वार आहे. एखाद्याला चष्मा जरी लागला तरी तो आपल्या समाजात व्यंग आहे. माझा अंदाज आहे की 70% आपण भारतीय अश्याच कोणत्यातरी व्यंगा विरूद्ध लढत असतो, लपवत असतो. अशा सर्वांना बाला हा चित्रपट नक्कीच आवडेल.

माझ्या सारख्या कृष्ण वर्णीयाला आणि टक्कल पडलेल्या माणसाला तर तो नक्कीच आवडेल. अंशुमनच्या द्विधेत कुठेतरी आपलीपण द्विधा स्पष्ट दिसत होती. गोरे दिसण्यासाठी आणि डोक्यावरचे केस वाचवण्याचे बरेच प्रयत्न पण आठवलेत. पण वास्तविकता स्विकारायला किती वेळ लागला? होय वेळ तर लागला पण चित्रपट बघितल्यावर एक आनंद निश्चितच झाला की बऱ्याच प्रमाणात वास्तविकता स्विकारण्यात मला पण जास्त वेळ लागला नाही. वयानुसार केस पांढरे होणारच पण मी रंग लावत नाही ह्याचा पण आनंदा सह अभिमान पण झाला.

चित्रपटाच्या निर्देशकाचे जितके कौतुक करावे तितके कमीच. अश्या संवेदनशील विषयावर असा मनोरंजक सिनेमा करणे आणि 2 तास प्रेक्षकांना खुर्चीला शिळून ठेवणे हे कौतुकास्पद आहे.

सर्वांनी हा चित्रपट जरूर बघावा. स्वतःच्या व्यंगावर विनोद करायला आणि स्विकारायला मदत होईल. मुलांना घेऊन जावे की नाही हा वैयक्तिक प्रश्न आहे. कारण काही प्रसंग प्रौढ लोकांसाठी आहे. चित्रपटाचा आवश्यक भाग आहे. पण मुलांनी काही प्रश्न विचारले तर उत्तर देणे कठीण जाईल.

मी 80% गुण देईन. भुमी पेडणेकरला एवढा मेकअप करण्यापेक्षा कृष्णवर्णीय अभिनेत्री घेतली असती तर जास्त वास्तविक वाटले असते. संगीत आजकाल बेताचेच असते त्यामुळे त्यावर भाष्य न केलेले बरे.

सर्वांनी आवर्जून बघावा असा चित्रपट. माझ्या मते आॅस्करला पाठवण्याजोगा. 

सतीश गुंडावार
17 नोव्हेंबर 2019

EPA and Anti CAA Protest


Now Citizenship Amendment Bill (CAB) has become CAA (Citizenship Amendment Act) after approval by Honorable President of India. The Hindus, Buddhists, Sikhs, Parasis and Christians of Pakistan, Afghanistan and Bangladesh now legally can apply for nationality of India. There is unrest in some parts of the country after approval of CAB in Parliament. Opponent of this act are unable to give any logical reason against this law. Interestingly, Mr. Narendra Modi has given 3 challenges to Congress Party few days back during election rally in Jharkhand. One is related to CAA. He challenges Congress to declare that CAA will be removed, if voted to power once again. Let’s not get into rhetoric of election rallies.

But let’s assume that opponent of CAA are suggesting that Muslims of these 3 countries should have been given nationality through CAA. Although, CAA does not provide such provision, Muslims of these countries can officially apply for nationality of India through other law e.g. Adnan Sami recently got Indian Citizenship. But GOI has prerogative to give it or not e.g. Taslima Nasreen is not getting Indian Citizenship last so many years. Opponent of CAA will also resist providing nationality to Taslima Nasreen. Therefore, their opposition to CAA is very much farcical.

Let’s assume that CAA would have provided citizenship to any Muslim of these 3 countries on the basis of religious prosecution (which is also a reality). During the partition of India, large number of Muslims from central India and Bengal migrated to Pakistan for better life. After barbaric episode of partition settled down, people from both the side were actually moving freely across the border. But things started changing after successive wars with Pakistan. Borders started becoming more firm and formal and free movement became difficult. After 1965 war with Pakistan, GOI headed by Congress passed the law called ‘Enemy Property Act’. Since it was passed in 1965, it became applicable to Bangladeshi after 1971. This law says the properties of Pakistani nationals in India are enemy property and therefore they belong to Government of India. Such people can’t transfer these properties to their relatives or legal heir who stayed back in India (even before 1965) or no one can go to court against government’s action as per this law. Let me share two interesting stories of this law.

The Raja of Mahmudabad Mohammad Amir Ahmed Khan, a Shia Muslim, was very close associates of Mohammed Ali Jinnah migrated to Pakistan after partition and took the Pakistani citizenship in 1957. But his wife, son and brother remained in India. As per this law, GOI took over his property in 1965. The current value of his property goes beyond 10,000 crores! The Raja moved to London after his illusion of Pakistan broken as he being Shia Muslim in Sunni majority Pakistan and died in 1973. His son Mohammad Amir Mohammad Khan, the new Raja of Mahmudabad who is Indian citizen, become his legal heir. He approached Moraraji Desai and later on Mrs. Indira Gandhi, then Prime Minister of India and requested to transfer his property back to him. 1965 law had some provisions by which govt can release these properties back to legal heir. The new Raja of Mahmudabad is Congress party leader in UP and was 2 times MLA of Congress from Mahmudabad. Union cabinet of Congress party govt discussed his request in 1980 and agreed to release 25% his property. But he has to submit proof that he is legal heir of his father. He got 25% of the property in 1980. But 75% property remained with GOI. He went to Mumbai High Court in 1997. Mumbai High Court ruled that custodian (GOI) can’t be owner and Raja is now new owner and hence the entire property should be given back to Raja of Mahmudabad. But then Congress govt challenged this decision in Supreme Court. Apex court also ruled in Raja’s favor in 2005 and asked govt to return his entire property. Raja and his family won the legal battle and acquired major part of his property. He started acquiring the properties, started investing in them for commercial purpose. But his agony being Congress party member from Congress party government did not stop there. Congress is expert in reversing Supreme Court verdict by issuing ordinance (remember Shaha Bano verdict) by President of India. In 2010, UPA govt issued an ordinance by President and taken back all the properties which were returned by Supreme Court of India. The Raja came to the same situation of 1965! BJP government extended the ordinance in 2014 once again and finally amended the act in 2015 and thus plugged all the possibilities of Raja of Mahmudabad to get his properties back. Off course, Congress opposed the amendment of this act (which is actually their ordinance) in Parliament. When this law was passed in 1965, GOI attached ~1000 properties in one year. Once heat of war with Pakistan died down, govt action also died down. When Congress Govt once again issued ordinance in 2005, the count rose to ~10,000. The count of such attached properties rose to ~15,000 in 2015 and estimated cost is 3 Lacs Crores! The amended law allows govt to auction these properties which new BJP govt is very much interested.  

Another interesting story. After the partition large number of Muslims migrated from India and similarly large number of non Muslims came to India. GOI confiscated the properties of Muslims who migrated to Pakistan under the law “Evacuee Property Act”. This act was passed on 17th April 1950. Under this law, confiscated properties of evacuee were distributed to people who came to India as refugees. One such property attached was Mumbai’s famous Jinnha house of Mohammed Ali Jinnah. This palatial bungalow at Malabar hill and spread across 2.5 acres. The current estimated value is Rs 600 Crore! Jinnha had leased out this property to British High Commission for the period from 1948 to 1983. Jinnha’s only daughter Dina Wadia, who was never agreed to her father’s idea of Pakistan, did not join him after partition and never went to Pakistan even for his funeral. She is mother of famous Industrialist Nusli Wadia. Dina Wadia went to Mumbai High Court in 2007 and appealed to handover this property to her as she is the only legal heir of Jinnah. Govt says Fatima Jinnha (Jinnha’s sister) is custodian of Jinnah’s will. But Wadias claim that this will does not have probate and hence not valid. The case is still going on. Dina Wadia died in 2017 and now Nusli Wadia is fighting this case. Interestingly, Pakistan Government also put the claim on this property. BJP govt is now suggesting to apply Enemy Property Act of 2015 to this property as well and develop it on the grounds of Hyderabad House in New Delhi.

The point is if migrated Muslims starts coming back to India and they become citizens of India, then what happens to Enemy Property Act and Evacuee Property Act. There would be flood of cases in court to return these properties back to their legal heir. Are so called liberals, who are opposing revised CAA, have any answer to this question?

 Satish Gundawar
21-Dec-2019

Tuesday, 24 December 2019

Golden Era of Indian Democracy

Disclaimer: I am BJP supporter and hence my analysis may be or may not be biased. Election Commission websites are not very much user friendly. Although, I wanted to take all the supporting data from EC website, but it is difficult to find. Therefore, I have taken the data from Wikipedia. There could be some errors in the data. However, it will not have major impact on my analysis.

The results of recently concluded Jharkhand assembly election gave Lutyens media and cabal of Congress party to start propaganda that magic of Modi and BJP is waning. It is warning to Modi/BJP. Opposition unity can defeat BJP/Modi etc. They did it when BJP lost Gorakhpur Loksabha by-election and few assembly by-elections in UP. They spread similar propaganda when BJP lost Rajasthan, Madhya Pradesh and Chhattisgarh state elections in 2018. Assembly elections of Karnataka, Madhya Pradesh, Rajasthan, Chhattisgarh and Jharkhand have many similarities.
Assembly elections in Rajasthan, MP and Chhattisgarh were conducted just before 2019 General Election. All these 3 states faced anti-incumbency factor in state but not at the center. Voters gave very clear mandate in favor of Congress. But within few months, the same voters gave very clear mandate in favor of BJP in general election. Voters are now becoming wiser. They are voting differently in different elections. They do not mix national and state issues nor they give credit of central govt. achievement to their state units. Orissa is the best example.  

Congress could not open account in Rajasthan in general election in 2019 when they are in power in state. In past, Congress dismissed such govt. saying that state govt. has lost the confidence of people. But BJP wisely did not do the same.

Rajasthan
 
Assembly (2018)
General (2019)
BJP
# Seats
73
25
% of Votes
38.8%
58.5%
Congress
# Seats
100
0
% of Votes
39.3%
34.24%

BJP’s voter percentage is more than Congress in MP in assembly election. But Congress won more seats. But see the swing of votes from assembly election to general election. BJP got huge victory in general election. Congress govt. is going on with thin majority in MP. BJP can plan operation Kamala here as well but they are aware that people will reject it.


Madhya Pradesh
 
Assembly (2018)
General (2019)
BJP
# Seats
109
28
% of Votes
41.0%
58%
Congress
# Seats
114
2
% of Votes
40.9%
34.5%

Chhattisgarh votes severely punished BJP in assembly election but rewarded BJP handsomely in general election.

Chhattisgarh
 
Assembly (2018)
General (2019)
BJP
# Seats
15
9
% of Votes
33%
50.7%
Congress
# Seats
68
2
% of Votes
43%
40.91%

Karnataka election is little different. Although, Congress faced anti-incumbency but BJP did not get decisive mandate. But people wanted BJP’s govt. They corrected their mistake in recently concluded by-election. BJP won 12 of 14, Congress just 2 and JDS did not open the account. They did not punish imported candidates during by-election. But they punished Congress and JDS who formed the govt. against people’s mandate.  

Karnataka
 
Assembly (2018)
General (2019)
BJP
# Seats
104
17
% of Votes
36.34%
51.4%
Congress
# Seats
80
9
% of Votes
38.14%
31.88%

 Jharkhand is very interesting case. In fact, Congress and JMM got less percentage of votes in assembly election than general election. If BJP and AJSU’s (8.1%) vote percentage is added, they would have got more votes than Congress+ JMM alliance. Perhaps, voters punished both BJP and AJSU for not honoring alliance mantra. Voters once again showed dislike for changing loyalties.

Jharkhand
 
Assembly (2019)
General (2019)
BJP
# Seats
25
12
% of Votes
33.37%
55.29%
Congress + JMM
# Seats
47
2
% of Votes
35.35%
34.58%

 My few observations in last few assembly elections,
·         Voters give more importance to the local issues during assembly election. Modi magic does not always work.
·         Caste factor still pays important role in assembly elections which is fading away in general election.
·         Voters wants local candidate. They do not like candidate imported from outside.
·         They also do not accept imported candidate from other parties. Voters are severely punishing candidates who are changing loyalties.

One more very important point. Congress central leadership campaigned very little in these assembly elections. They allowed state level leaders to run the state election. Gandhi family hardly campaigned in these state elections. It yielded results for Congress. Whereas, BJP relied on their central leadership. Modi and Amit Shah remained star campaigner in these elections. That did not yield good results.
But lastly, voter’s wisdom is remarkable. They are going as per their combined judgment. They are giving very clear message to Congress and BJP. But it is up to them whether they want to listen or not. I salute voters for their wisdom and hence welcome the outcome of Jharkhand election whole heatedly. Indian voters are becoming mature day by day and it will definitely help our democracy. This is a good new for India!

Satish Gundawar
24-Dec-2019

 

Monday, 26 September 2016

विषवल्ली जातीभेदाची


कोण म्हणे ते होते मुक मोर्चे 
मी तर ऐकले कण्हणे मातृभूचे
माँ म्हणे केव्हा नांदतील हे सौख्यभरे
रामा म्हणे जेव्हा भूक मिटे तुझी रक्ताची 

कोणी लावला रंग जातीचा खैरलांजीला
ह्यांनीच लावला ना वेमुलाला रंग जातीचा
कोणी लावला रंग धर्माचा अखलाकला
आता हेच लावतायत रंग कोपर्डीला जातीचा

आता हेच ठाकतायत एकमेका विरुद्ध जाती
आता हेच तोडतायत माझी नाजूक कांती
सांगू कसे लेकरांनो रिपू आला उंबरठ्यावर
खुप झाली परदास्याची रात बघूद्या जरा वैभवाची पहाट 

आता खूप झाला जातीद्वेष लेकरांनो
आणा समरसता समते बरोबर
रामा म्हणे बघतोय वाट परशुरामाची
तोच संपवेल विषवल्ली ही जातीभेदाची   

 
                 सतीश गुंडावार (२६-सप्टें-१६)

Thursday, 25 August 2016

A Brief Story of Gilgit-Baltistan


Narendra Modi took detour and referred Gilgit-Baltistan and Baluchistan subtly in his independence speech this year. Today, his statement has big importance because of India’s renewed foreign policy. Gilgit-Baltistan and Baluchistan are completely different issues as far as India is concerned and therefore, I will write them separately. Whatever I am writing here is available in public space. I am just collating them for simple understanding.
What India refers as POK (Pakistan Occupied Kashmir) and Pakistan refers as Azad Kashmir are completely different. When we say our state of Jammu and Kashmir, we refer to the following map. We are also aware that large part of our J&K has been occupied by Pakistan and China. When we refer to POK, we refer to Azad Kashmir (Pakistan’s term and not mine!) and Gilgit-Baltistan combined. The dark green area in this map is Gilgit-Baltistan and pale green is so called Azad Kashmir (POK).

Kashmir’s Hindu ruler Dogras annexed Gilgit-Baltistan in 1846 and ruled since then. They had given this region to British on lease for 60 years in 1935. This is very high altitude area. One can wonder the utility of this area to British. British administered Gilgit-Baltistan from Delhi. The region’s security responsibility was with Gilgit Scout which was managed by British. Before the partition of India, Lord Mountbatten cancelled the lease agreement on 1-Aug-1947 and returned this region to Raja Hari Singh. Maharaja appointed Brigadier Ghansar Singh as governor of this region and posted British officer Major W A Brown and Captain A S Mathieson of Gilgit Scout there.
After the partition of British India, princely states were given the choice of joining India or Pakistan. Raja Hari Singh requested India and Pakistan to sign standstill agreement till the time he takes the final decision on accession. All civil supplies to his states were coming from Pakistan. Therefore, he wanted to keep Pakistan satisfied. Pakistan signed the standstill agreement in Aug-47 but India requested some time to think over it.
Meanwhile, Pakistan started sending tribesmen from North-West region (Pathans), Afridis, and their regular soldiers in plain clothes in Kashmir. It created a huge law and order problem in Kashmir. Helpless Raja Hari Singh signed the instrument of accession on 26-Oct-1947 with India and sent it to Lord Mountbatten. Indian military landed on Srinagar airport on 27-Oct-1947 to fight Pakistan’s invasion. He also sent one letter along with it. Pakistan claims that Raja Hari Singh talks about accession as temporary arrangement until plebiscite is taken. But, I could not find any such reference in that letter. Moreover, Pakistan’s objection has been how Maharaja could sign an instrument of accession when standstill agreement with Pakistan was in place.

On 2-Nov-1947, Major Brown mutinied in Gilgit. He arrested Governor Ghansar Singh and raised the Pakistani flag at the capital of Gilgit. He informed to Lt Colonel Roger Bacon, in Lahore, the accession of Gilgit to Pakistan. Pakistani military immediately took over the control of the region and used it as a base to attack other parts of Jammu and Kashmir.

As I had written in my earlier blog that British wanted the partition of India more than Muslim League or Jinnah. Communist Russia’s influence was increasing in the region. Indian National Congress was coming closer to Communist Russia. Bacha Khan (Frontier Gandhi), Afghanistan, state of Kalat (Baluchistan) were coming under communist influence. British wanted a region in Indian subcontinent from where they could keep a watch on Soviet Union. Congress leaders refused this demand. But Jinnah accepted it and rest is the history of partition of India.
Gilgit-Baltistan was the critical area for this design. This may be the reason why British demanded this region on lease from Raja Hari Singh in 1935. If this region would have remained with India, Soviet Union (now Tajikistan) is just 25 KM away from India! See the map. Keeping Gilgit-Baltistan with India would have defeated the purpose of partition of India. All the British officers of Pakistan supported the coup of Major Brown. He was rewarded appropriately in 1948 for his services to King of England as “Most Exalted Order of the British Empire to Brown, Major (acting) William Alexander, Special List (ex-Indian Army)”.

Today, demography of both Gilgit-Baltistan and POK have undergone tremendous changes. Gilgit-Baltistan was once Shia majority area. Bhutto and subsequently General Zia infused Sunni Muslim in this region. Last few decades have seen ethnic cleansing of Shia by Sunnis and Pak military in this region. POK should be actually called as Pak Occupied Jammu (POJ). People from POJ are different from Kashmir and Punjabi speaking. They wanted to merge with greater Punjab. The region had 70% Muslim and 30% Hindus and Sikhs. The ethnic cleansing ensured no Hindu and Sikh in POJ today. Gilgit-Baltistan and POJ (POK) have not been recognized as Pakistani states in their Constitution till today. They do have some local government but they are Federally Administrated areas and managed by Ministry of Kashmir Affair. One of the reason Pakistan is not recognizing them as their states because they think that someday in future there would be plebiscite in whole of erstwhile Princely State of Jammu and Kashmir. They think that Sunni Muslims of these regions and our Kashmir will support accession to Pakistan. Day dream though!

Our position is very clear. Raja Hari Singh signed the unconditional instrument of accession on 26-Oct-1947 and therefore mutiny by Major Brown on 2-Nov-1947 is completely unlawful and unacceptable to us. The constitution of India recognizes POJ and Gilgit-Baltistan are integral part of India and therefore, Pakistan must return it back to us immediately!
 
***